As I watched the Trump-Netanyahu press conference in the White House East Room on February 4, I couldn’t help thinking of the first joint press conference with President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held in that very same room on February 15, 2017. It was Trump’s first joint press conference with a foreign head of state, and as EIC/CEO of Moment, a media group based in Washington, DC, that largely serves the American Jewish community, I was in the room.
It was less than a month into Trump’s first term, and it all felt new and strange. His first band of less-than-merry White House advisors and cabinet members were on hand, including a besuited Steve Bannon, his hair combed, and Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner, who were still registered Democrats and considered moderating influences on the president. When Trump came out and stood behind his podium, a big man with hulking shoulders in a big blue suit, it was a little unnerving. I remember thinking that he possessed the same bloviating charisma in person that emanated on television. Netanyahu, at his own podium to Trump’s left and usually charismatic in his own right, looked a little ill at ease.
A maximum of three people can share a Nobel Peace Prize, and who knows, if they could pull a deal off in a way that is fair to both Israelis and the Palestinians, they might even deserve it.
Some of the remarks made at that press conference seemed, at the very least, out of touch. At the time, I observed that Trump’s response to an Israeli reporter’s question about the rise of antisemitism in the United States both pivoted from and trivialized the issue: He reminded us that he had won the election with 306 electoral college votes (the official tally was 304) and that he had friends, a daughter, a son-in-law and three beautiful grandchildren who were Jews. Another newsworthy aspect of the conference at the time was Trump’s obvious lack of interest in the two-state solution, which, as elusive as it has been to achieve, has been the most agreed- upon long-term solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with roots hearkening back to the 1947 UN Partition Plan. “I thought for a while the two-state looked like it may be the easier of the two,” said Trump in 2017. “But honestly, if Bibi and if the Palestinians—if Israel and the Palestinians are happy, I’m happy with the one they like the best.” In my notes, I jotted down that even the very polished Netanyahu, who had known Trump and Kushner for years, looked a little surprised when Trump said that.
Eight years later, Netanyahu flew in again to be the first foreign head of state to appear with Trump at a joint press conference. This time I was 3,000 miles away and watched the conference online. I wasn’t surprised when Trump did his thing, throwing out a wild idea and turning it into fodder for countless conversations. It wasn’t the first time he’d spoken of transforming Gaza into a Riviera, although I don’t recall he had ever publicly suggested buying or taking over Gaza and emptying it of people to do so. There was no recognition of the dangers and moral quandaries this would involve, but it was masterful politics. In one ambitious swoop, Trump shook up how some people would think about Gaza, and greatly expanded the range of topics to be covered in any negotiations.
When a reporter asked Trump if his plan to relocate Palestinians from Gaza meant that he does not support a two-state solution, Trump glossed over the topic as he had in 2017. “It doesn’t mean anything about a two state or a one state or any other state. It means we want to give people a chance at life…” As Trump sees it, a Palestinian state , if one is created, is only an incidental step in a “big deal” for larger regional peace. Both Trump and Netanyahu brushed aside Saudi Arabia’s stated requirement that a peace deal between itself and Israel must include the establishment of a Palestinian state. Trump clearly implied that there may be ways around this condition, and I don’t think we can rule out that he could be right. Both Trump and Netanyahu say they want peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia and to usher in a new era in the Middle East. I have no doubt that Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia wants this too. And all three men, each with differently tarnished reputations, crave the recognition, legitimacy and historical glory that would come with such a peace deal. A maximum of three people can share a Nobel Peace Prize, and who knows, if they could pull a deal off in a way that is fair to both Israelis and the Palestinians, they might even deserve it.
To my eye, both Trump and Netanyahu seemed surer of themselves in this recent press conference. This was most obvious in the case of Netanyahu. In 2017, despite his usual Cheshire cat grin, his eyes darted around the room more. This time his gaze remained firmly on Trump, clearly the “big brother” in the room, and the prime minister carried himself like a hero. Whatever you think of Netanyahu (and with American backing, whatever you think of that), he has led Israel back from a humiliating and painful invasion to a position of strength. He hasn’t brought home all the hostages, he hasn’t fully decimated Hamas and he certainly hasn’t unified his country, but he has rearranged the strategic map in the Middle East beyond anyone’s expectations.
The most visible difference between the two press conferences eight years apart were the people sitting in the first few rows, traditionally reserved for White House staff, cabinet members and important guests. In 2017, those seats were filled by people who wanted to and thought they could control Trump. There were quite a few who were afraid of what he would do with unchecked power and still held onto many of the unspoken rules and taboos of American democracy. They didn’t want Trump to break them. In 2025, the seats were filled by hand-picked loyalists who embolden him and who, as far as we have seen, share his goal of greatly expanding executive power. They are willing to break things, including democracy, then fix them as they see fit.
One of Trump’s personal superpowers is that he believes completely in himself. He takes his ideas, or the ideas he absorbs from others, seriously. Since Middle East policy is part of the purview of the executive branch, we cannot assume that his recommendation, as he called it, that Gaza’s population be relocated and the Strip transformed into a Riveria is a fleeting one simply injected as a negotiating tactic. Some of the then ludicrous-sounding ideas that Trump threw around in his first presser had been kicked around in certain circles for a long time and were to come to pass during his first term: These included moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem. There was also a reference to a “deal” that would become the Abraham Accords.
By far, the major difference between 2017 and 2025 is that we have now fully entered the strongman era in the United States, with Trump at its center. Given his strongman approach, now evident for all to see, Trump will do his utmost to use his power, and powers many of us believe the executive branch does not possess, to turn Gaza into what he envisions. As he’s already letting it be known, there are massive amounts of military and foreign aid he can wield as pressure, and any number of transactional deals to be made.
As strongmen and strongman-style rule rush in to fill power vacuums in weak democracies, Jordan, Egypt and Gaza should be prepared for the onslaught. Trump and Netanyhau (as well as MBS) know how to use power and won’t shy away from doing so.
Above image: Official White House Photo by Benjamin Applebaum. President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shake hands during their joint press conference, Wednesday, Feb. 15, 2017, in the East Room of the White House in Washington, DC.
Wish I had a crystal ball — nothing here is certain, reasonable or even very hopeful. Your analysis is spot on — but where do we go from here….(It’s a rhetorical question — as no one seems to know).
yes… we S T E A L the land, much cheaper than buying it….. Jared is Jewish ???? unbelievable.!!!!!! and very convenient !!!!
I wonder how Trump would respond to the question, “President Trump, what is your reaction if the major Middle East countries took your idea of creating a Gaza Riviera including housing for Palestinians and totally cut-out the U.S., you, your family and friends from the operation?”