Israel’s most recent election results, in which the Israeli people slammed the door on left-wing politicians and completely voted out the extreme left-wing Meretz party, have allowed it to create the most right-wing government in the nation’s history.
Quite a few conservatives support Orbán.
The landscape of church-state issues is increasingly fluid, but even so, few people probably expected Yeshiva University (YU), a Modern Orthodox Jewish institution in New York, to ask the Supreme Court to permit it to block recognition of gay student groups on campus.
When I was a girl, my mother told me I must always wear clean panties in case I got hit by a bus.
Late last term, the Supreme Court decided a case that fundamentally transformed the relationship between church and state.
Like the misguided heroes of some Greek tragedy, Haredi leaders and educators in both the United States and Israel are waging battle to defend, as they see it, their way of life.
The proposed plan would change the balance of power between Israeli politicians and the legal system, and also could be a “get out of jail free” card for Netanyahu.
These riots weren’t about religious or even nationalistic fervor. They were a desperate expression of hopelessness and rage by Jerusalemites.
Netanyahu has long been the center of Israeli politics. But last week, Lapid finally changed the narrative.
The Republican Party has a Christian supremacy problem—which is also an antisemitism problem.
The prospect of Israel’s fifth election in less than four years does not seem promising.
Will the involvement of Israel-related PACs end up magnifying small policy differences on Israel? Andy Levin and Josh Block weigh in.
